Friday, December 6, 2013

Sina Weibo Censors Searches for "Xi Jinping's August 19 Speech"

On August 21, 2013, the state sponsored Guangming Daily published an article entitled "Cherish What We Have, Reach for Something Greater, Watch for What's Important: Strive to Improve Propaganda Work" (胸怀大局把握大势着眼大事 努力把宣传思想工作做得更好). According to that article, on August 19, Xi Jinping gave a speech to the National Propaganda and Ideology Work Conference.

In early November, 2013, what was claimed to the be the text of Xi's speech began circulating on the Internet.

These screenshots were taken on November 7, and shows that Sina Weibo was censoring searches for "Xi Jinping August 19 Speech," but not for "Xi Jinping August 19."
Here are some excerpts:
When conducting propaganda expounding on China's special characteristics, we must do so from a historical perspective that focuses on the ups and downs of China's development and the waves of people's struggles in modern times. The 100 years from the Opium Wars to the establishment of a  New China was the period of the greatest suffering and greatest humiliation in the history of the Chinese people. It was the most painful and tragic period in the history of China's citizenry.
. . . .
Westerners say that China should change its approach to history-based propaganda, that we should not engage in propaganda based on our history of humiliation, and should catch up with tide of the times. As I see it, we cannot heed this kind of talk. Forgetting history is a form of betrayal.
. . . .
Hostile forces are doing their utmost to spread so-called "universal values." Are these people really talking about "universal values"? Absolutely not. They are trying to put lipstick on a pig, with their goal being to fight us for position, fight for the hearts and minds, fight for public opinion, and ultimately to overthrow the leadership of the Communist Party and China's socialist system. If this kind of speech is allowed to become widespread, to say black is white and mislead the people, then inevitable result will be discontent and confusion within the Party and the public, endangering the leadership of the Party and the security of the socialist system of governance.
. . . .
We must dare to arrest and control, dare to unsheathe our swords, focus on unity and compete for the majority. We must launch a rational and advantageous public opinion struggle, help Party cadres and the public draw clear lines between right and wrong, and bring clarity where there is confusion. No newspaper, no magazine, no public forum, no meeting room, no television, no movie, no stage shall provide space for any malicious speech that would attack the Party's leaders, attack the socialist system, distort Party or national history, or spread rumors to create trouble. No newspaper, no magazine, no mobile video, no cell phone media, no SMS, no WeChat, no blog, no podcast, no microblog, no online forum, no new media of any sort shall provide such speech with any convenience. For that kind of speech we must not only increase control over the Internet, we must also work on individuals. . . . . Those who would spread rumors to cause trouble must be punished in accordance with the law. We cannot waver at the fork in the road or swing about wildly in our attacks, neither can we let those people get away with spreading rumors and causing trouble, fish in troubled waters, cast sparks about in the wind, and make irresponsible remarks.
. . . .
The Internet has already become a battlefield in the war for public opinion. As one comrade put it, the Internet is the "most significant force" facing us, and if we do not handle it correctly it will become "the heart of all our suffering." Western anti-China forces constantly strive in vain to use the Internet to "overwhelm China," and years ago Western governments were claiming that "with the Internet we have the means to counter China," and "Socialist China will fall into the West's embrace, and that will begin with the Internet."
. . . .
We must throw ourselves into the online public opinion struggle, be on guard against and restrain infiltration by online attacks, and organize our forces to refute mistaken ideological perspectives. We must strengthen the administration of online society, strengthen administration of new applications of new online technologies, ensure that the Internet can be managed and controlled, and allow our online spaces to be clean and bright. . . . . Do not fear what others may say. A little less negative speech on the Internet can only help, and not hurt, China's social development and social stability, and the peace and contentment of its people.
. . . .
With respect to those online opinion leaders, we must strengthen our education and guidance. The good ones should be encouraged. The bad ones should be restrained. Things cannot be allowed to let slide.

In summary, from the top to the bottom we have so many Party and government organizations, we have so many state owned enterprises, state-run institutions, and civic organizations. There are over 85 million Party officials and 89 million Party members. We only need organize them properly and we are sure to obtain superiority. We must a establish a formidable online army, and remain eternally vigilant.

宣传阐释中国特色,要注重从近代以来我国发展跌宕起伏、人民斗争波澜壮阔的历史角度来进行。从鸦片战争到新中国成立这100多年时间,是中华民族最动荡、最屈辱的历史时期,是中国人民最悲惨、最痛苦的历史时期。
. . . .
西方有人说,中国应该改变历史宣传的角度,不要再搞屈辱史的宣传,应该跟上时代潮流。我看这话不能听,忘记历史就意味着背叛。历史是客观存在的,历史是最好的教科书。一个没有历史记忆的民族是没有前途的。
. . . .
宣传阐释中国特色,要注重从近代以来我国发展跌宕起伏、人民斗争波澜壮阔的历史角度来进行。从鸦片战争到新中国成立这100多年时间,是中华民族最动荡、最屈辱的历史时期,是中国人民最悲惨、最痛苦的历史时期。中国人在苦难中觉醒和奋起,积极探索中国应该走什么样的道路、朝什么样的方向发展这个根本性问题。人们进行了很多尝试,君主立宪制、多党制、总统制都试过了,结果都行不通。只有中国共产党领导人民,把马克思主义基本原理同中国实际结合起来,找到了实现民族独立和人民解放、国家富强和人民幸福的中国特色社会主义道路。
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敌对势力在那里极力宣扬所谓的“普世价值”。这些人是真的要说什么“普世价值”吗?根本不是,他们是挂羊头卖狗肉,目的就是要同我们争夺阵地、争夺人心、争夺群众,最终推翻中国共产党领导和中国社会主义制度。如果听任这些言论大行其道,指鹿为马,三人成虎,势必搞乱党心民心,危及党的领导和社会主义国家政权安全。
. . . .
要敢抓敢管,敢于亮剑,着眼于团结和争取大多数,有理有利有节开展舆论斗争,帮助干部群众划清是非界限、澄清模糊认识。对那些恶意攻击党的领导、攻击社会主义制度、歪曲党史国史、造谣生事的言论,一切报刊杂志、讲台论坛、会议会场、电影电视、广播电台、舞台剧场等都不能为之提供空间,一切数字报刊、移动电视、手机媒体、手机短信、微信、博客、播客、微博客、论坛等新兴媒体都不能为之提供方便。对这些言论,不仅要在网络上加强控制,而且要落地做人的工作。. . . 对造谣生事的,必须依法查处,不能像《三岔口》里那样摸着黑打来打去,也决不能让这些人在那里舒舒服服造谣生事、浑水摸鱼、煸风点火、信口雌黄。
. . . .
互联网已经成为舆论斗争的主战场。有同志讲,互联网是我们面临的“最大变量”,搞不好会成为我们的“心头之患”。西方反华势力一直妄图利用互联网“扳倒中国”,多年前有西方政要就声称“有了互联网,对付中国就有了办法”,“社会主义国家投入西方怀抱,将从互联网开始”。
. . . .
要深入开展网上舆论斗争,严密防范和抑制网上攻击渗透行为,组织力量对错误思想观点进行批驳。要依法加强网络社会管理,加强网络新技术新应用的管理,确保互联网可管可控,使我们的网络空间清朗起来。. . . .不要怕别人说什么。网上负面言论少一些,对我国社会发展、社会稳定、人民安居乐业只有好处没有坏处。
. . . .
对网络意见领袖,要加强教育引导,好的要鼓励,不好的要管束,不能放任自流。

总之,我们上上下下有那么多党和政府组织,有那么多国有企业、事业单位、人民团体,有8500多万名党员,有8900多万名团员,只要组织好,就一定能取得优势。要建设一支强大网军,做到魔高一尺、道高一丈。

Translation: Huang Xuqin and Wang Jianbing Inciting Subversion Indictment

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